Section II. The Emergence of the German American Bund

A.  The Significance and Influence of Deutschtum

 

Before we can examine the German-American Bund as an American political movement, it is critical to examine the history of Germany, for the German-American Bund was inextricably tied to the unique cultural phenomenon of Deutschtum.  In fact, the history of Germany is inextricably tied to Germans outside the homeland.[1]  Because there was no such entity as a centralized “German” state until 1871, emigration of Germans was widespread throughout the 19th and 20th centuries.[2] There were many characteristics of the German diaspora which were unique, but the most important feature of the German experience was the notion of Deutschtum.    

It is impossible to define Deutschtum in a single phrase, for the term is virtually untranslatable. Perhaps the closest translation to Deutschtum is “Germandom,” but this term is inadequate.  Deutschtum can perhaps be expressed as the unique, deeply rooted national consciousness of Germans, the shared totality of ideas and sentiments about the German character, and what it means to be German.[3]  Deutschtum also entails the special relationship Germans have with the homeland and the unique sense of destiny which Germans possess.  Perhaps the closest analogy to Deutschtum is the Americans’ belief in American exceptionalism and Manifest Destiny, that there is something unique and special and perhaps even superior about the American ideal, and that it should be spread throughout the world.  But this analogy too is inadequate.  Deutschtum is system of mental, moral and political ideas which are organized around two closely connected central concepts:  spiritual connection to the state and the singularity and superiority of German people and culture. 

Deutschtum is a philosophy which has deeply permeated the thought of the German people. As something of a “chosen people,” Germans had a mission to extend German ideas and German Kultur throughout the world.[4] As such, German immigrants, particularly in America, did not always readily assimilate.[5]  As one author noted, “Germans in America between 1855 and 1915 lived not in the United States, but in German America, they lived and wrote for German America…rather than for the United States of America.”[6]  Yet, as purveyors of higher culture, German-Americans believed they could both remain “German” and help civilize the young American nation.[7]  Many kept the hyphen and maintained that they were not simply “Americans,” but rather, “German-Americans.” 

The sentiments of Deutschtum were immersed in the consciousness and practices of German-Americans long before the existence of the Bund.  However, three key factors had a profound impact on the conception of Deutschtum among German-Americans during the 1920s and 1930s: the traumatic experience associated with the persecution of German-Americans during the Great War, the resurgence of a strong new Germany under Nazism and the renewed national pride associated with this event, and the Nazi usurpation of the concept and meaning of Deutschtum.  These three factors had an enormous impact on a small group in America who became the seeds of the German-American Bund. 

World War One was an absolute shattering experience for German-Americans.  The cataclysm of the Great War forever changed the lives of German-Americans as well as the health and perception of American Deutschtum.  The war and its immediate aftermath saw the near destruction of Deutschtum in America as persecution of German-Americans led to rapid assimilation.  For many Americans, World War One unleashed profound anxieties about the “German character” and the loyalty of German-Americans.  Allied propaganda of German brutality and tales of espionage and sabotage led many to see Germans as traitors or pawns of the Kaiser.  Newspapers and official U.S. propaganda portrayed German soldiers as criminal barbarians and murderous Huns.  As hyphenated citizens, German-Americans bore the brunt of the negative American perceptions of Germans.  After America entered the war, a wave of Germanophobia swept across the nation which created a dangerous and hostile environment for German-Americans.[8]  The Great War proved disastrous for German-American Heimat clubs, the German-American press, and the mutual-aid societies.  Once the United States entered the war against Germany, all German-American clubs and societies became vulnerable to charges of disloyalty.  Anything and everything German including language, music, and publications, became suspect.[9] 

Even before the United States entered the war against Germany, the raging war in Europe created a hostile environment for Germans and German-Americans in the United States.  On the outset of war, many German-American societies lobbied to prevent America’s entry into the war and some organizations even aided in the German war effort.  Perhaps the best known defender of Germany in America during WWI was George Sylvester Viereck whose widely circulated English-language newspaper, The Fatherland, was unapologetically pro-German.  The Fatherland advocated neutrality in the brewing European conflict and argued against American foreign entanglements.[10]  When war between Germany and America ensued, Viereck professed allegiance to both Germany and the United States.  He defended his dual allegiance by explaining that if Germany was his mother, than the U.S was like his wife. He would ultimately stand by his wife but would always defend his mother.   In the brewing conflict of World War Two, the Bund was making similar arguments when challenged about their loyalty to the United States. While both Vierneck and the Bund professed a profound dual love and devotion to the homeland and to the United States, they both ultimately helped polarize American opinion against German-Americans.  Their publications inspired boycotts of German-owned businesses and contributed to the economic hardships of German-Americans. 

In America, there was no room for dual loyalties among German-Americans, for the war “had split their German-ism from their Americanism.”[11] Patriotism reached a feverish pitch and the United States entered a period of intolerance as never seen before.[12]  Congress passed a series of draconian legislation such as the Espionage Act of 1917, Sabotage Act April 1918, and the Sedition Act of May 1918, making dissent not only disloyal but illegal.  In the fall of 1917, Wilson ordered all aliens over age of fourteen to register with the government, and all property owned by German aliens became subject to government control.[13]  Such measures further aggravated the already pervasive anti-German hysteria in America.  Those who escaped federal or state sedition law often found themselves victim of vigilante justice at the hands of a host of so-called patriotic organizations and societies.  Groups like the Councils of National Defense, American Defense Society, Knights of Liberty, Sedition Slammers, and the Boy Spies of America harassed German-Americans and often concocted ludicrous accusations of disloyalty and sedition.

For many German-Americans, their civil liberties were to be put on hold during the war.  The World War, with its hatreds and persecutions, its propaganda and its coercion, shook the hyphen loose from its moorings and ended the German-American era which had persisted for so long.  The “German-American” was an anomaly which could no longer exist, and German-Americans had to divide into either “Germans” or “Americans.”  The state of Deutschtum in America was all but destroyed.

In 1918, the war was over but the negative perception of Germans in America lingered.  With rapid assimilation the disappearance of the hyphen, the health of Deutschtum was at its lowest point ever. In 1919, with the war’s end and Germany in political shambles, the newly created Weimar Republic was left to repair Germany’s international image.  It also sought to revive the health of Deutschtum in America which was so tarnished by the war. German state officials as well as many private organizations actively sought to preserve cultural and economic ties with their German brethren in America.[14]  To this end, the Weimar government created the Reichs Wanderung Amt, (the Reich Emigration Office) or RWA in 1919.[15]  Private organizations further played an important role in Germans’ efforts to preserve the “ethnic consciousness” among German abroad.  The most important semi-private German organization dedicated to improving the tarnished image of Germany and Germans abroad was the Deutsches Auslans Institut or DAI, otherwise known as the German Foreign Institute. [16] The DAI took extreme pains to maintain close ties with German emigrants to the United States by disseminating a myriad of literature about Germany.   It wanted to approach Germans abroad on a cultural basis so there could be no accusation of violating the sovereignty of other nations or of cultivating supranational feelings among Germans abroad.  The organization believed that the best way to rekindle feelings of Deutschtum was to create a world-wide Verein wherein both Germans at home and abroad could maintain close contacts for the express purpose of sustaining their German-ness.[17]  By the middle of the 1920’s, the DAI was sending large quantities of German cultural and political material to the United States which was distributed amongst the various German organizations that had slowly begun to reappear in the United States in the 1920s. 

Within the United States, the most important private German organization was the Steuben Society.  Created in May 1919, it was composed of German-Americans dedicated to preserving and celebrating German culture.  Its members called themselves “American citizens of German origin”[18] and attempted to promote German culture in a non-threatening way.  English was the society’s official language.  They celebrated an annual “German Day” which consisted largely of picnics and parades.   The society emphasized the positive contributions Germans had made to American society as it attempted to portray Germanism as a colorful and benevolent addition to the American mosaic.  Like the DAI, the Steuben Society worked to dampen the “anti-Kraut” hatred that Germans in America suffered as a result of the anti-German hysteria of World War One.  The Society’s founders wanted to emphasize that German-Americans had always been and remained loyal Americans; that they were not “mongrels with divided allegiance…hyphenates, whose hyphen, like the kiss of Judas, is linked to treachery.”[19]  By the middle of the 1920’s the Steuben Society was the largest receiver and disseminator of DAI materials in the United States. 

            By 1930, the German population in America was over one million six hundred thousand.  However, less than one quarter of all German-Americans was German-born, and most were born before the war.[20] Considering these figures, many academics and ethnological institutions in Germany, including the DAI, maintained that America was largely a Germanic nation.  They began to speculate whether or not the large German-based element in America could be unified to form a potential political force, influenced by the politics and culture of the homeland.  

In middle of the 1920s, the DAI conducted a study to determine if the German-American community was in any way ethnically or politically united.[21]  Though impressed by the relatively healthy state of Deutschtum in the U.S., it concluded that German-America as a political force had all but collapsed as a result of the anti-German hysteria of WWI.  They noted the “dissolution of the hyphen” as German-Americans rapidly assimilated into the American melting pot. World War One had left the German-American community split, disillusioned, and badly shaken by the “100 percent Americanism” of the previous few years.[22] Wartime prohibitions against teaching German had practically destroyed the cohesiveness of American Deutschtum.  Thousands of German-American organizations had dissolved. Academic study of Germanic culture was at a bare minimum. The DAI had little hope for the future of American Deutschtum. Pre-war German-America was gone for good.  The Veriene organizations and hundreds of German travelers to the United States all seemed to concur.  

German notions of Deutschtum during the Weimar years usually had few racial or political overtones.  Throughout its existence, the DAI conducted numerous ethnological studies of Germans both abroad and within the homeland.  For the DAI, the study of the ethnological background of the German people was synonymous with the study of Deutschtum.  However, throughout the 1920s, a small number within the DAI began to equate Deutschtum with the mystical qualities of the German Volk, equating Deutschtum with National Socialist notions of race.[23] 

With the rise of National Socialism in Germany, conceptions of Deutschtum took on an entirely new meaning.  A key concept in Nazi ideology was that of the Volk, (nation, people, race), a deeply spiritual notion concerning the unique qualities of German culture and “community.”  Inherent in the notion of Volk was a feeling of the superiority of German culture and the idea of a universal mission for the German people.  Volkisch ideology consequently emphasized the idea of a Volksgemeinschaft, a racial or blood descended national community which could not assimilate alien people such as Jews because they would be harmful to the community.[24]  The Nazis similarly subscribed to the belief that Germans everywhere, regardless of their geographic location, ultimately remained German, not only by culture but by blood and race.[25] 

The Nazis held to supranational notions of the Volksgemeinschaft and could thus lay claim to the ideological loyalty of citizens of foreign countries who were of German stock.  They had a strong tendency to claim territory outside the Reich and argued that the German government should hold hegemony over all Germans worldwide.[26]  The inclusion of people living outside the borders of Germany became an essential feature of the Nazi Volksgemeinschaft.  Germans abroad were still Germans and thus still part of the larger Volksgemeinschaft; they just simply lived in the wrong place.[27]  The early German-American fascist organizations in the U.S., from which the German American Bund ultimately evolved, took the ideas of the Volksgemeinschaft quite literally. 

Nazi language of the 1930s explained the supranational concept of the Volksgemeinschaft as follows: “Even he, who is not a citizen of the German Reich, but of some other state, or a stateless person, belongs to the German Volksgemeinschaft, if he belongs to the German Volkstum [national character].”[28]   Further, a Nazi Party paper published in 1933, stated that “the only way the German-Americans will get prestige is to be recognized as a viable force with dual citizenship, i.e., a community.”[29] The Nazi Weltanschauung [worldview] maintained that all those of German blood, irrespective of nationality, owed their primary allegiance to the homeland.  In the Nazi view, blood was stronger than citizenship, and the magnetism of volkisch bonds transcended generations or boundaries.  It was therefore the duty of German-Americans to assert their Deutschtum.  Because the United States possessed more German blood than any other nation outside the Reich, it became a prime target for Nazi propaganda.  Some Party officials in Germany believed that if galvanized as a unified community, Germans in America could exert considerable political influence. The official Nazi viewpoint was that German-Americans had made extraordinary contributions to the historical evolution of the United States and therefore deserved a proportionate share of political power.[30]  However, they understood that only when feelings of Deutschtum had been rekindled sufficiently in America could Germany hope to influence the political attitudes and behavior of German-Americans. 

By December, 1934, the DAI had been absorbed into Nazi administrative structure.[31]  The Party turned to its own Foreign Organization (Die Auslandsorganisation der NSDAP, or AO) and Foreign Office (Das Aussenpolitische Amt der NSDAP, or APA) as a means to disseminate Nazi ideology abroad and to unify the world-wide German community.  Deputy Fuehrer Rudolf Hess turned the authority concerning overseas Germans to Ernst Wilhelm Bohle.  Bohle was placed in charge of Abteilung fur Deutsche im Ausland, which had over one hundred fifty overseas Party groups under its control including one in the U.S. with several hundred members.  Congruent with Nazi ideal of Gleischultung, Bohle coordinated German policy by bringing all the agencies involved with ethnic Germans abroad under his authority. In January 1937, the AO was given an independent position in the Foreign Ministry and by 1939, the AO had sixty five thousand members and employed eight hundred persons.[32] Bohle’s aim was to coordinate the Nazi endeavor in bringing all Germans abroad into the Nazi fold.[33] 

While the Nazis demanded the loyalty and allegiance of the Heimat [homeland] abroad, their ties to Germany would not disrupt “loyal obedience to all legal responsibilities (of Germans abroad) towards the foreign state of residence [volkstumfremd].”[34]   The Nazis were, however, pragmatic enough to realize that treatment of ethnic Germans would have to vary from nation to nation.  Despite the supranational rhetoric, the Party remained ambivalent about its views and policies towards Germans in America.   Hitler himself advocated the notion that a German was a German, anywhere and everywhere, because “blood and race determine the German mentality.”[35] He was, however, quite disgusted by the state of Deutschtum in the United States.  He remarked that he was “deeply distressed at the thought of those millions of Germans, men of good faith, who emigrated to the United States and are the backbone of the country…For these men, mark you, are not only good Germans, lost to their fatherland; rather, they have become enemies, more implacably hostile than others.”[36] In fact, National Socialism largely viewed the ideologies of Americanism and Deutschtum as two conflicting worldviews.  The Nazis, along with numerous other right-wing German nationalists, denounced Americanism for undermining racial purity by fostering the Schmelztopf, (ethnic melting pot).[37]   Hitler remarked, “Transfer a German to Kiev, and he remains a perfect German.  But transfer him to Miami and you make a degenerate out of him- in other words- an American.”[38] He believed it was not only racial amalgamation that ruined German America, but rather the “pernicious influences” of American culture. 

While the German government remained ambivalent about the health and usefulness of Deutschtum in America, a great number of German émigrés arrived on American shores imbued with the National Socialist Weltanschauung and a sense of duty to the Fatherland.  To strengthen American Deutschtum and promote National Socialist ideology, these indoctrinated immigrants formed a variety of organizations in America, such as the National Socialist Teutonia Association and the Friends of the New Germany which were the embryo of the German American Bund.  The following section outlines the evolution of German-American fascism from its earliest roots in 1924 to the creation of the German American Bund in 1935.   

 

 

 

 

 

 



[1] Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy Reagin, eds. The Heimat Abroad (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2005), 1.

[2] Prior to 1871, with no centralized nation-state to call home, Germans shared somewhat of an ambiguous national experience.  The closest example to the German experience in America perhaps is the Italian model.  Like Germans, Italians came from cities and villages not yet incorporated into a nation-state and consequently, their identities merged to form many “Little Italy’s.”  But unlike many Italians who ultimately returned to their homeland, Germans tended to forge lasting ties and not circulate back.   O’Donnell, Bridenthal, and Reagin, eds. The Heimat Abroad, 6.  

[3] The origins of the concept of Deutschtum can be traced back to the Germanic wars of liberation against Napoleon.  Its root principles were integrally connected to the philosophy of Hegal and Kant whose teachings were enormously influential in impregnating German thought.  Prior to 1871, with no centralized nation-state to call home, Germans shared somewhat of an ambiguous national experience.  Fragmented into many separate kingdoms, states and duchies and dispersed across many non-German kingdoms as well, Germans shared a conscious cultural bond with one another yet did not have a centralized state to which all Germans gave their loyalty and united them as “Germans.”

[4] Richard Wagner wrote, “a great mission, scarcely comprehensible to other nations, is unquestionably reserved for the whole German character [which is defined as] the spirit of pure humanity [and the mission as] the ennoblement of the world.” Quoted in John Arkas Hawgood, The Tragedy of German America (New York: Arno Press, 1970), 134.  Such commonplace sentiments in German intellectual thought have led many to simplistically ascribe Deutschtum to little more than the apotheosis of the state, Pan-Germanism, German militarism, expansionism, and the creed of Germans as a “super-race.” Hawgood, The Tragedy of German America, 136.

[5] Many Germans took an unfavorable impression of American cultural standards and social habits which in turn provoked in the German immigrants an aloof and superior attitude.  Many felt that their German culture was superior to American culture.  Such attitudes not only created a strong resistance to Americanization and assimilation, but it often made them unpopular with the native born American.  Hawgood, The Tragedy of German America, 20-24. 

[6] Hawgood, The Tragedy of German America, 20.  By 1930, the German-born population was 1,608,814, making the German  immigration group in the United States was second only to England,  yet although a huge minority of Americans was German-born or German-descended, they did not necessarily form one homogeneous and institutionally organized community. Carl A. Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism: 1924-1946.” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University Teachers College, 1974) 5.  Instead, they formed a loose and fluctuating network of numerous Vereine (associations), congregations, and lodges for If there was any prevailing nationalistic character of Germans, it was to form a club.  Tobias Brinkman, “Jews, Germans, or Americans? German-Jewish Immigrants in the Nineteenth-Century United States,” The Heimat Abroad.  Eds., Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy Reagin (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2005), 113.  There is a proverb, “Two Germans, a discussion; three Germans, a club.” William Sheridan Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town 1922-1945.  (New York: Franklin Watts, 1984), 17.  German Americans embraced Vereine life, and clubs devoted to particular regions flourished in American cities between 1870 and 1914. Yet despite their regional differences, within these associations, there was an emphasis on the shared German language and what were perceived as values of “Geselligkekeit und Gemuethlichkeit,” (sociability and comfort).  Thomas Lekan, “German Landscape: Local Promotions of the Heimat Abraod.” The Heimat Abroad.  Eds., Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy Reagin (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2005),148.  By 1901 organizations like the National German-American Alliance were founded for the express purpose of promoting cultural solidarity and preserving German culture in America.  These goals, however, were often in reality little more than efforts to promote German resistance to assimilation of American culture.  Russell A. Kazal, Becoming Old Stock: The Paradox of German-American Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press: 2004), 236. 

[7] Lekan, “German Landscape,” 145. 

[8] Canedy, America’s Nazis, 9-11. Anti-German sentiment spanned the spectrum of everyday life.  Sauerkraut became liberty cabbage, German Shepherd dogs became Alsatians and Frankfurters became hot dogs.  German street and town names were changed overnight and the German language was forbidden in schools, churches and in public places.  Rumors abounded about traitorous Germans in America:  German Red Cross workers were rumored to put bacteria in medical supplies, Cincinnati’s meat packers were suspected of grinding glass into their sausages and in Dayton, Ohio, the local militia was sent to guard the city waterworks from anticipated acts of German sabotage.

[9] Lekan, “German Landscape,” 151. 

[10] Parallels abound between it and the Bund and their newspaper, the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter, published twenty five years later.  The Bund was enormously influenced by Viereck and even managed to procure his services for $1,750 per month in 1933. Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 46.  The files of the German–American Bund in Suitland Maryland contain leather-bound copies of Viereck’s entire works. R.G 131, the complete collection of the The Fatherland. 

[11] Canedy, America’s Nazis 10.

[12] In response to this public hysteria, the American Protection League, or APL, formed to ferret out acts of disloyalty, espionage and sabotage by Germans in America.  Composed of 200,000 untrained detectives, Attorney General Thomas Gregory granted the APL to conduct investigations and provide information about suspected aliens to the Justice Department.  While the APL succeeded in only uncovering one verifiable spy in America, it exacerbated the climate of suspicion and hatred of Germans in America.  Canedy, America’s Nazis, 10-12. 

[13] Canedy, America’s Nazis 10.

[14] Lekan, “German Landscape,” 151. 

[15] The RWA marked a new direction of managing emigration and maintaining relations with German nationals abroad.  With Germany’s bleak economic conditions following the war, the RWA realized it was inevitable that large numbers of German citizens would immigrate to foreign lands in order to find economic opportunities which were greatly lacking in Germany.  In order to protect potential emigrants from exploitation in their new countries, the RWA provided advice and information about a host of emigrant destinations.  Moreover, even though the Weimar government in Germany viewed immigration as a personal right and guaranteed Germans right to emigrate, the RWA worked to discourage emigration.  They argued that large numbers of emigrants would ultimately hurt Germany’s economic, physical and spiritual recovery.  They even attempted to direct émigrés to nations deemed to possess a healthy state of Deutschtum or where they could at least best maintain a high degree of emotional and cultural ties with the homeland.  Lekan, “German Landscape,” 151-52.

[16]Created in Stuttgart in January 1917, the DAI emerged as one of the most prestigious broadly based and well financed institutes in Germany.  The DAI had three primary goals.  Firstly, the DAI sought to present their nation to the world community in a more favorably light by repairing the prevailing negative image of Germany.  Secondly, with the support of the Reich Ministry of the Interior, the DAI  sought to re-establish economic ties with Germans abroad in an attempt to expand overseas markets for German industries lost during the war.  Lastly, the DAI sought to maintain contact with Germans in America who emigrated before the war in an effort to preserve, rekindle and strengthen their notions of Deutschtum.  By the 1920s, the DAI operated as a major research and information center on emigration.  Because the DAI asserted that the previous German government had not done enough to prevent the assimilation and cultural decline of Germans abroad, it created a network of individuals within foreign countries for the purpose of gathering information about Germans abroad.  To this end, the DAI created the Press Correspondence Section to collect foreign newspapers articles dealing with Germany and the Heimat abroad.  The Press Correspondence Section received more than one hundred forty German language newspapers a year and had a card index containing the names and addresses of an estimated 28,000 German organizations abroad.  Moreover, by the mid-1920’s, the DAI had amassed an astounding 40,000 volumes of newspaper files, journals and information concerning Germans abroad to be used by future emigrants and ethnic Germans in foreign countries. Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States,,45-47.

[17] After obtaining lists of Germans abroad, the DAI created the Union of Germans Abroad, the Verein fur das Deutschtum in Ausland, or VDA, as well as the Organization for Foreign Germans, the Bund der Auslandsdeutschen, or BdA.  Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 46. 

[18] Robert E. Herzstein, Roosevelt and Hitler (New York: Paragon House, 1989),139.

[19] Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 58. 

[20] Herzstein, Roosevelt and Hitler, 138.

[21] Essentially the organization was looking for statistical “proof” of a potentially powerful German-American community. The DAI calculated that the 22% of the total American population was of German stock.  Also, five to six million naturalized or native born Germans used German as a primary language.  Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 60. 

[22] Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 56. 

[23]  Professional ethnologists in Germany were a heterogeneous group who worked out of a host of universities, government agencies and academic institutions that flourished during the Weimar years. German ethnologists constituted a wide-ranging group of “scholars” including renowned professors, members of the Pan-German League, extreme right wing nationalists, pseudo-intellectuals, and outright racists. Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 46-50.  The man most responsible for perpetuating the connection between Deutschtum and race during Weimar years was Otto Lohr. Although Lohr viewed Deutschtum through the Nazi perception of race, he did not make any broad, sweeping calls for the unification of the German-American community.  He, like most others, believed that most German-Americans were rapidly severing their roots and conforming to American culture.  He simply lamented the loss of American Deutschtum. Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 60-63. 

[24] Jackson J Spielvogel, Hitler and Nazi Germany: A History (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1988), 6.

[25] However, the idea of the Volksgemeinschaft meant different things to different people.  Those Germans living outside the Reich could distinguish three conceptualizations of the idea:  supranational, national, and sub-national notions of Volk, all of which were only partially compatible.  The Volksgemeinschaft could stand for anything ranging from the democratic idea of citizenship to Nazi ideas of racialism and expansionism. Norbert Gotz, “German-Speaking People and German Heritage: Nazi Germany and the Problem of Volksgemeinschaft. The Heimat Abroad.  Eds., Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy Reagin (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2005), 59. 

[26] The Nazi supranational notions of Volk were not necessarily the first of its kind.  Under Kaiser Wilhelm II of the Second Reich, on July 22, 1913, a law was passed which stated that after January 1, 1914, all German dispersed throughout the world, as well as their descendents, would be constituted as German citizens of the Reich.  Therefore, the five million plus Germans who had previously immigrated to the United States were technically all subjects of the Kaiser.  The Nazi Party took this notion of dual citizenship quite seriously as well.  In fact, the very first point of the Nazi Party twenty five point program drawn up in 1920 called for the “union of all Germans into a Greater Germany.”  Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 19.

[27] Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 19-20.

[28] Gotz, “German-Speaking People and German Heritage,” 60.  Moreover, the German Volk is not defined by the borders of the Reich, but a Volk-und Schicksalsgemeinschaft [community of people and of destiny] spread out over the whole earth, bound together by blood and race…All German Volkgenossen [national comrades] belong to the German Volksgemeinschaft no matter if they live within or…outside the borders of the Reich…members of the German Volk whose foreign citizenship in the near future will be cancelled and replaced by citizenship of the German Reich (e.g. all re-settlers). Gotz, “German-Speaking People and German Heritage,”.60-61.

[29] Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 19-20, quoted from “When Will Germany Receive a German-Blooded Ambassador from America? a document sent from an anonymous source (the Nazi Party) for distribution within the Steuben Society, objecting to the appointment of William E. Dodd as ambassador. 

[30] Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 67. 

[31] During the earliest years of the Third Reich, the DAI was the chief agency devoted to exporting Nazi propaganda to the German-American community in the U.S.  However, the Party opted to maintain the illusion that the DAI were a private agency.  They believed that if the DAI were perceived to be a private institution, National Socialist propaganda would be better received and accepted by Germans abroad. Heinz Kloss, a leading figure within the DAI viewed cultural pluralism in America in a way synonymous with the Nazi racial interpretation of American history.  Kloss wrote Das Volkgruppenrecht in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, a two volume examination of minority legislation in America wherein he concluded that the United States had failed to develop a dominant American nationality composed of thoroughly assimilated ethnic and racial minorities. The desire to perpetuate ethnic and racial separateness in America was far greater than the desire to blend with the dominant Anglo-Saxon culture.  As he saw it, a unified national America was an illusion.  He argued that the United States was a heterogeneous nation composed of sometime friendly, sometimes antagonistic racial and ethnic minorities.  Thus the new leader of DAI, Karl Strolin, believed that the supranational appeal of Nazism could be combined with the ethnological endeavors of the DAI.  Strolin hoped to make Stuttgart the nucleolus around which Germany would build its policy to attract the overseas German community to Nazism.  Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 53-70. 

[32] Herzstein, Roosevelt and Hitler, 205.

[33] Bohle declared that all German abroad must “see in every German out there an ethnic comrade, a person of your blood, your nature and your being.” The function of the AO was to make “Germandom abroad useful to the Reich.”  Their aim would be achieved only when “every German abroad is so much imbued with the national Socialist Weltanschauung that he will never forget his Germandom.”  Bohle declared, “We only know the concept of the complete German who as citizen of his country is always and everywhere a German and nothing but a German, and this makes him a National Socialist.”  Herzstein, Roosevelt and Hitler, 205.

[34] Gotz, “German-Speaking People and German Heritage,” 60-61.

[35] Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 77. 

[36] Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 75-76. 

[37] Herzstein, Roosevelt and Hitler, 15.

[38] Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 76. 

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