Section II. The Emergence of the German American Bund
A.The Significance and
Influence of Deutschtum
Before we can
examine the German-American Bund as an American political movement, it is
critical to examine the history of Germany, for the German-American
Bund was inextricably tied to the unique cultural phenomenon of Deutschtum.In fact, the history of Germany is inextricably tied to
Germans outside the homeland.[1]Because there was no such entity as a centralized
“German” state until 1871, emigration of Germans was widespread throughout the
19th and 20th centuries.[2] There
were many characteristics of the German diaspora which were unique, but the
most important feature of the German experience was the notion of Deutschtum.
It is impossible
to define Deutschtum in a single
phrase, for the term is virtually untranslatable. Perhaps the closest
translation to Deutschtum is “Germandom,” but this term is
inadequate.Deutschtum can perhaps be expressed as the unique, deeply rooted
national consciousness of Germans, the shared totality of ideas and sentiments
about the German character, and what it means to be German.[3]Deutschtum
also entails the special relationship Germans have with the homeland and the
unique sense of destiny which Germans possess.Perhaps the closest analogy to Deutschtum
is the Americans’ belief in American exceptionalism and Manifest Destiny, that
there is something unique and special and perhaps even superior about the
American ideal, and that it should be spread throughout the world.But this analogy too is inadequate.Deutschtum
is system of mental, moral and political ideas which are organized around two
closely connected central concepts:spiritual connection to the state and the singularity and superiority of
German people and culture.
Deutschtum is a philosophy which has
deeply permeated the thought of the German people. As something of a “chosen
people,” Germans had a mission to extend German ideas and German Kultur throughout the world.[4] As
such, German immigrants, particularly in America, did not always readily
assimilate.[5]As one author noted, “Germans in America between 1855 and 1915 lived not in the United States, but in German America, they lived
and wrote for German America…rather
than for the United States
of America.”[6]Yet, as purveyors of higher culture,
German-Americans believed they could both remain “German” and help civilize the
young American nation.[7]Many kept the hyphen and maintained that they
were not simply “Americans,” but rather, “German-Americans.”
The sentiments of Deutschtum were immersed in the
consciousness and practices of German-Americans long before the existence of
the Bund.However, three key factors had
a profound impact on the conception of Deutschtum
among German-Americans during the 1920s and 1930s: the traumatic experience
associated with the persecution of German-Americans during the Great War, the
resurgence of a strong new Germany under Nazism and the renewed national pride
associated with this event, and the Nazi usurpation of the concept and meaning
of Deutschtum.These three factors had an enormous impact on
a small group in America
who became the seeds of the German-American Bund.
World War One was
an absolute shattering experience for German-Americans.The cataclysm of the Great War forever
changed the lives of German-Americans as well as the health and perception of
American Deutschtum.The war and its immediate aftermath saw the
near destruction of Deutschtum in America
as persecution of German-Americans led to rapid assimilation.For many Americans, World War One unleashed
profound anxieties about the “German character” and the loyalty of
German-Americans.Allied propaganda of
German brutality and tales of espionage and sabotage led many to see Germans as
traitors or pawns of the Kaiser.Newspapers and official U.S.
propaganda portrayed German soldiers as criminal barbarians and murderous
Huns.As hyphenated citizens,
German-Americans bore the brunt of the negative American perceptions of
Germans.After America entered the war, a wave of
Germanophobia swept across the nation which created a dangerous and hostile
environment for German-Americans.[8]The Great War proved disastrous for
German-American Heimat clubs, the
German-American press, and the mutual-aid societies.Once the United
States entered the war against Germany, all German-American clubs
and societies became vulnerable to charges of disloyalty.Anything and everything German including
language, music, and publications, became suspect.[9]
Even before the United States entered the war against Germany, the raging war in Europe created a
hostile environment for Germans and German-Americans in the United States.On the outset of war, many German-American
societies lobbied to prevent America’s
entry into the war and some organizations even aided in the German war
effort.Perhaps the best known defender
of Germany in America
during WWI was George Sylvester Viereck whose widely circulated
English-language newspaper, The Fatherland,
was unapologetically pro-German.The Fatherland advocated neutrality in
the brewing European conflict and argued against American foreign
entanglements.[10]When war between Germany
and America ensued, Viereck
professed allegiance to both Germany
and the United States.He defended his dual allegiance by explaining
that if Germany
was his mother, than the U.S was like his wife. He would ultimately stand by
his wife but would always defend his mother.In the brewing conflict of World War Two, the Bund was making similar
arguments when challenged about their loyalty to the United States. While both Vierneck
and the Bund professed a profound dual love and devotion to the homeland and to
the United States,
they both ultimately helped polarize American opinion against German-Americans.Their publications inspired boycotts of
German-owned businesses and contributed to the economic hardships of
German-Americans.
In America,
there was no room for dual loyalties among German-Americans, for the war “had split
their German-ism from their Americanism.”[11]
Patriotism reached a feverish pitch and the United States entered a period of
intolerance as never seen before.[12]Congress passed a series of draconian
legislation such as the Espionage Act of 1917, Sabotage Act April 1918, and the
Sedition Act of May 1918, making dissent not only disloyal but illegal.In the fall of 1917, Wilson ordered all aliens over age of
fourteen to register with the government, and all property owned by German
aliens became subject to government control.[13]Such measures further aggravated the already
pervasive anti-German hysteria in America.Those who escaped federal or state sedition
law often found themselves victim of vigilante justice at the hands of a host
of so-called patriotic organizations and societies.Groups like the Councils of National Defense,
American Defense Society, Knights of Liberty, Sedition Slammers, and the Boy
Spies of America harassed German-Americans and often concocted ludicrous
accusations of disloyalty and sedition.
For many
German-Americans, their civil liberties were to be put on hold during the
war.The World War, with its hatreds and
persecutions, its propaganda and its coercion, shook the hyphen loose from its
moorings and ended the German-American era which had persisted for so
long.The “German-American” was an
anomaly which could no longer exist, and German-Americans had to divide into either
“Germans” or “Americans.”The state of Deutschtum in America was all but destroyed.
In 1918, the war
was over but the negative perception of Germans in America lingered.With rapid assimilation the disappearance of
the hyphen, the health of Deutschtum
was at its lowest point ever. In 1919, with the war’s end and Germany in political shambles, the newly created
WeimarRepublic
was left to repair Germany’s
international image.It also sought to revive
the health of Deutschtum in America
which was so tarnished by the war. German state officials as well as many private
organizations actively sought to preserve cultural and economic ties with their
German brethren in America.[14]To this end, the Weimar government created the Reichs Wanderung Amt, (the Reich
Emigration Office) or RWA in 1919.[15]Private organizations further played an
important role in Germans’ efforts to preserve the “ethnic consciousness” among
German abroad.The most important
semi-private German organization dedicated to improving the tarnished image of Germany
and Germans abroad was the Deutsches
Auslans Institut or DAI, otherwise known as the German Foreign Institute.[16] The
DAI took extreme pains to maintain close ties with German emigrants to the United States by disseminating a myriad of
literature about Germany.It wanted to approach Germans abroad on a
cultural basis so there could be no accusation of violating the sovereignty of
other nations or of cultivating supranational feelings among Germans
abroad.The organization believed that
the best way to rekindle feelings of Deutschtum
was to create a world-wide Verein wherein
both Germans at home and abroad could maintain close contacts for the express
purpose of sustaining their German-ness.[17]By the middle of the 1920’s, the DAI was
sending large quantities of German cultural and political material to the
United States which was distributed amongst the various German organizations
that had slowly begun to reappear in the United States in the 1920s.
Within the United States,
the most important private German organization was the Steuben Society.Created in May 1919, it was composed of German-Americans
dedicated to preserving and celebrating German culture.Its members called themselves “American
citizens of German origin”[18]
and attempted to promote German culture in a non-threatening way.English was the society’s official
language.They celebrated an annual
“German Day” which consisted largely of picnics and parades.The society emphasized the positive
contributions Germans had made to American society as it attempted to portray
Germanism as a colorful and benevolent addition to the American mosaic.Like the DAI, the Steuben Society worked to
dampen the “anti-Kraut” hatred that Germans in America suffered as a result of the
anti-German hysteria of World War One.The Society’s founders wanted to emphasize that German-Americans had
always been and remained loyal Americans; that they were not “mongrels with
divided allegiance…hyphenates, whose hyphen, like the kiss of Judas, is linked
to treachery.”[19]By the middle of the 1920’s the Steuben
Society was the largest receiver and disseminator of DAI materials in the United States.
By
1930, the German population in America
was over one million six hundred thousand.However, less than one quarter of all German-Americans was German-born, and
most were born before the war.[20]
Considering these figures, many academics and ethnological institutions in Germany, including the DAI, maintained that America
was largely a Germanic nation.They
began to speculate whether or not the large German-based element in America
could be unified to form a potential political force, influenced by the
politics and culture of the homeland.
In middle of the 1920s,
the DAI conducted a study to determine if the German-American community was in
any way ethnically or politically united.[21]Though impressed by the relatively healthy
state of Deutschtum in the U.S.,
it concluded that German-America as a political force had all but collapsed as
a result of the anti-German hysteria of WWI.They noted the “dissolution of the hyphen” as German-Americans rapidly
assimilated into the American melting pot. World War One had left the
German-American community split, disillusioned, and badly shaken by the “100
percent Americanism” of the previous few years.[22] Wartime
prohibitions against teaching German had practically destroyed the cohesiveness
of American Deutschtum.Thousands of German-American organizations had
dissolved. Academic study of Germanic culture was at a bare minimum. The DAI
had little hope for the future of American Deutschtum.
Pre-war German-America was gone for good.The Veriene organizations and
hundreds of German travelers to the United States all seemed to
concur.
German notions of Deutschtum during the Weimar years usually had few racial or
political overtones.Throughout its
existence, the DAI conducted numerous ethnological studies of Germans both
abroad and within the homeland.For the
DAI, the study of the ethnological background of the German people was
synonymous with the study of Deutschtum.However, throughout the 1920s, a small number
within the DAI began to equate Deutschtum
with the mystical qualities of the German Volk,
equating Deutschtum with National
Socialist notions of race.[23]
With the rise of
National Socialism in Germany,
conceptions of Deutschtum took on an
entirely new meaning.A key concept in
Nazi ideology was that of the Volk, (nation,
people, race), a deeply spiritual notion concerning the unique qualities of
German culture and “community.”Inherent
in the notion of Volk was a feeling
of the superiority of German culture and the idea of a universal mission for
the German people.Volkisch ideology consequently emphasized the idea of a Volksgemeinschaft, a racial or blood
descended national community which could not assimilate alien people such as
Jews because they would be harmful to the community.[24]The Nazis similarly subscribed to the belief
that Germans everywhere, regardless of their geographic location, ultimately
remained German, not only by culture but by blood and race.[25]
The Nazis held to
supranational notions of the Volksgemeinschaft
and could thus lay claim to the ideological loyalty of citizens of foreign
countries who were of German stock.They
had a strong tendency to claim territory outside the Reich and argued that the
German government should hold hegemony over all Germans worldwide.[26]The inclusion of people living outside the
borders of Germany
became an essential feature of the Nazi Volksgemeinschaft.Germans abroad were still Germans and thus
still part of the larger Volksgemeinschaft;
they just simply lived in the wrong place.[27]The early German-American fascist
organizations in the U.S.,
from which the German American Bund ultimately evolved, took the ideas of the Volksgemeinschaft quite literally.
Nazi language of
the 1930s explained the supranational concept of the Volksgemeinschaft as follows: “Even he, who is not a citizen of the
German Reich, but of some other state, or a stateless person, belongs to the
German Volksgemeinschaft, if he
belongs to the German Volkstum
[national character].”[28]Further, a Nazi Party paper published in
1933, stated that “the only way the German-Americans will get prestige is to be
recognized as a viable force with dual citizenship, i.e., a community.”[29] The
Nazi Weltanschauung [worldview]
maintained that all those of German blood, irrespective of nationality, owed
their primary allegiance to the homeland.In the Nazi view, blood was stronger than citizenship, and the magnetism
of volkisch bonds transcended
generations or boundaries.It was
therefore the duty of German-Americans to assert their Deutschtum.Because the United States
possessed more German blood than any other nation outside the Reich, it became
a prime target for Nazi propaganda.Some
Party officials in Germany
believed that if galvanized as a unified community, Germans in America
could exert considerable political influence. The official Nazi viewpoint was
that German-Americans had made extraordinary contributions to the historical
evolution of the United
States and therefore deserved a
proportionate share of political power.[30]However, they understood that only when
feelings of Deutschtum had been
rekindled sufficiently in America
could Germany
hope to influence the political attitudes and behavior of
German-Americans.
By December, 1934,
the DAI had been absorbed into Nazi administrative structure.[31]The Party turned to its own Foreign
Organization (Die Auslandsorganisation
der NSDAP, or AO) and Foreign Office (Das
Aussenpolitische Amt der NSDAP, or APA) as a means to disseminate Nazi
ideology abroad and to unify the world-wide German community. Deputy Fuehrer Rudolf Hess turned the
authority concerning overseas Germans to Ernst Wilhelm Bohle.Bohle was placed in charge of Abteilung fur Deutsche im Ausland, which
had over one hundred fifty overseas Party groups under its control including
one in the U.S.
with several hundred members.Congruent
with Nazi ideal of Gleischultung,
Bohle coordinated German policy by bringing all the agencies involved with
ethnic Germans abroad under his authority. In January 1937, the AO was given an
independent position in the Foreign Ministry and by 1939, the AO had sixty five
thousand members and employed eight hundred persons.[32]
Bohle’s aim was to coordinate the Nazi endeavor in bringing all Germans abroad
into the Nazi fold.[33]
While the Nazis
demanded the loyalty and allegiance of the Heimat
[homeland] abroad, their ties to Germany would not disrupt “loyal
obedience to all legal responsibilities (of Germans abroad) towards the foreign
state of residence [volkstumfremd].”[34]The Nazis were, however, pragmatic enough to
realize that treatment of ethnic Germans would have to vary from nation to
nation.Despite the supranational
rhetoric, the Party remained ambivalent about its views and policies towards
Germans in America.Hitler himself advocated the notion that a
German was a German, anywhere and everywhere, because “blood and race determine
the German mentality.”[35]
He was, however, quite disgusted by the state of Deutschtum in the United
States.He remarked that he was “deeply distressed at the thought of those
millions of Germans, men of good faith, who emigrated to the United States and
are the backbone of the country…For these men, mark you, are not only good
Germans, lost to their fatherland; rather, they have become enemies, more
implacably hostile than others.”[36] In
fact, National Socialism largely viewed the ideologies of Americanism and Deutschtum as two conflicting
worldviews.The Nazis, along with
numerous other right-wing German nationalists, denounced Americanism for
undermining racial purity by fostering the Schmelztopf,
(ethnic melting pot).[37]Hitler remarked, “Transfer a German to Kiev, and he remains a
perfect German.But transfer him to Miami and you make a
degenerate out of him- in other words- an American.”[38] He
believed it was not only racial amalgamation that ruined German America, but
rather the “pernicious influences” of American culture.
While the German
government remained ambivalent about the health and usefulness of Deutschtum in America, a great number of German
émigrés arrived on American shores imbued with the National Socialist Weltanschauung and a sense of duty to
the Fatherland.To strengthen American Deutschtum and promote National
Socialist ideology, these indoctrinated immigrants formed a variety of
organizations in America,
such as the National Socialist Teutonia Association and the Friends of the New
Germany which were the embryo of the German American Bund.The following section outlines the evolution
of German-American fascism from its earliest roots in 1924 to the creation of
the German American Bund in 1935.
[1] Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy
Reagin, eds. The Heimat Abroad (Ann Arbor:
The University of
Michigan Press, 2005), 1.
[2]Prior to 1871, with no centralized nation-state
to call home, Germans shared somewhat of an ambiguous national experience.The closest example to the German experience
in America
perhaps is the Italian model.Like
Germans, Italians came from cities and villages not yet incorporated into a
nation-state and consequently, their identities merged to form many “Little
Italy’s.”But unlike many Italians who
ultimately returned to their homeland, Germans tended to forge lasting ties and
not circulate back.O’Donnell,
Bridenthal, and Reagin, eds. The Heimat Abroad, 6.
[3]The origins of the concept of Deutschtum can be traced back to the
Germanic wars of liberation against Napoleon.Its root principles were integrally connected to the philosophy of Hegal
and Kant whose teachings were enormously influential in impregnating German
thought.Prior to 1871, with no
centralized nation-state to call home, Germans shared somewhat of an ambiguous
national experience.Fragmented into
many separate kingdoms, states and duchies and dispersed across many non-German
kingdoms as well, Germans shared a conscious cultural bond with one another yet
did not have a centralized state to which all Germans gave their loyalty and
united them as “Germans.”
[4]Richard Wagner wrote, “a great mission, scarcely
comprehensible to other nations, is unquestionably reserved for the whole
German character [which is defined as] the spirit of pure humanity [and the
mission as] the ennoblement of the world.” Quoted in John Arkas Hawgood, The Tragedy of German America (New York: Arno Press,
1970), 134.Such commonplace sentiments
in German intellectual thought have led many to simplistically ascribe
Deutschtum to little more than the apotheosis of the state, Pan-Germanism,
German militarism, expansionism, and the creed of Germans as a “super-race.” Hawgood,
The Tragedy of German America, 136.
[5]Many Germans took an unfavorable impression of
American cultural standards and social habits which in turn provoked in the
German immigrants an aloof and superior attitude.Many felt that their German culture was
superior to American culture.Such
attitudes not only created a strong resistance to Americanization and
assimilation, but it often made them unpopular with the native born
American.Hawgood, The Tragedy of German America,
20-24.
[6]Hawgood, The
Tragedy of German America,
20.By 1930, the German-born population
was 1,608,814, making the Germanimmigration group in the United States was second only to England,yet although a huge minority of Americans was
German-born or German-descended, they did not necessarily form one homogeneous
and institutionally organized community. Carl A. Sokoll, “The German-American
Bund as a Model for American Fascism: 1924-1946.” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia
University Teachers College, 1974) 5.Instead, they formed a loose and fluctuating network of numerous Vereine (associations), congregations,
and lodges for If there was any prevailing nationalistic character of Germans,
it was to form a club.Tobias Brinkman,
“Jews, Germans, or Americans? German-Jewish Immigrants in the
Nineteenth-Century United States,” The Heimat Abroad.Eds.,Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy Reagin (Ann Arbor: The University
of Michigan Press, 2005),
113.There is a proverb, “Two Germans, a
discussion; three Germans, a club.” William Sheridan Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of
a SingleGermanTown
1922-1945.(New York: Franklin
Watts, 1984), 17.German Americans
embraced Vereine life, and clubs devoted
to particular regions flourished in American cities between 1870 and 1914. Yet
despite their regional differences, within these associations, there was an
emphasis on the shared German language and what were perceived as values of “Geselligkekeit und Gemuethlichkeit,” (sociability and comfort).Thomas Lekan, “German Landscape: Local
Promotions of the Heimat Abraod.” The Heimat Abroad.Eds.,Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy Reagin (Ann Arbor: The University
of Michigan Press,
2005),148.By 1901 organizations like
the National German-American Alliance were founded for the express purpose of
promoting cultural solidarity and preserving German culture in America.These goals, however, were often in reality
little more than efforts to promote German resistance to assimilation of
American culture.Russell A. Kazal, Becoming Old Stock: The Paradox of
German-American Identity (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity
Press: 2004), 236.
[8] Canedy, America’s Nazis, 9-11. Anti-German
sentiment spanned the spectrum of everyday life.Sauerkraut became liberty cabbage, German
Shepherd dogs became Alsatians and Frankfurters became hot dogs.German
street and town names were changed overnight and
the German language was forbidden in schools, churches and in public
places.Rumors abounded about traitorous
Germans in America:German Red Cross workers were rumored to put
bacteria in medical supplies, Cincinnati’s meat
packers were suspected of grinding glass into their sausages and in Dayton, Ohio,
the local militia was sent to guard the city waterworks from anticipated acts
of German sabotage.
[10]
Parallels abound between it and the Bund and their newspaper, the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter,
published twenty five years later.The
Bund was enormously influenced by Viereck and even managed to procure his
services for $1,750 per month in 1933. Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a
Model for American Fascism,” 46.The
files of the German–American Bund in Suitland Maryland contain leather-bound copies of
Viereck’s entire works. R.G 131, the complete collection of the The Fatherland.
[12] In response to this public hysteria, the American
Protection League, or APL, formed to ferret out acts of disloyalty, espionage
and sabotage by Germans in America.Composed of 200,000 untrained detectives, Attorney
General Thomas Gregory granted the APL to conduct investigations and provide
information about suspected aliens to the Justice Department.While the APL succeeded in only uncovering
one verifiable spy in America,
it exacerbated the climate of suspicion and hatred of Germans in America.Canedy, America’s Nazis, 10-12.
[15] The
RWA marked a new direction of managing emigration and maintaining relations
with German nationals abroad.With Germany’s bleak economic conditions following
the war, the RWA realized it was inevitable that large numbers of German
citizens would immigrate to foreign lands in order to find economic
opportunities which were greatly lacking in Germany.In order to protect potential emigrants from
exploitation in their new countries, the RWA provided advice and information
about a host of emigrant destinations.Moreover, even though the Weimar
government in Germany
viewed immigration as a personal right and guaranteed Germans right to
emigrate, the RWA worked to discourage emigration.They argued that large numbers of emigrants
would ultimately hurt Germany’s
economic, physical and spiritual recovery.They even attempted to direct émigrés to nations deemed to possess a
healthy state of Deutschtum or where they could at least best maintain a high
degree of emotional and cultural ties with the homeland.Lekan, “German Landscape,”151-52.
[16]Created in Stuttgart in
January 1917, the DAI emerged as one of the most prestigious broadly based and
well financed institutes in Germany.The DAI had three primary goals.Firstly, the DAI sought to present their
nation to the world community in a more favorably light by repairing the
prevailing negative image of Germany.Secondly, with the support of the Reich
Ministry of the Interior, the DAIsought
to re-establish economic ties with Germans abroad in an attempt to expand
overseas markets for German industries lost during the war.Lastly, the DAI sought to maintain contact
with Germans in America
who emigrated before the war in an effort to preserve, rekindle and strengthen
their notions of Deutschtum. By the 1920s, the DAI operated as a major
research and information center on emigration.Because the DAI asserted that the previous German government had not
done enough to prevent the assimilation and cultural decline of Germans abroad,
it created a network of individuals within foreign countries for the purpose of
gathering information about Germans abroad.To this end, the DAI created the Press Correspondence Section to collect
foreign newspapers articles dealing with Germany and the Heimat abroad.The Press Correspondence Section received
more than one hundred forty German language newspapers a year and had a card
index containing the names and addresses of an estimated 28,000 German organizations
abroad.Moreover, by the mid-1920’s, the
DAI had amassed an astounding 40,000 volumes of newspaper files, journals and
information concerning Germans abroad to be used by future emigrants and ethnic
Germans in foreign countries. Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States,,45-47.
[17] After obtaining lists of Germans abroad, the DAI
created the Union of Germans Abroad, the Verein
fur das Deutschtum in Ausland, or VDA, as well as the Organization for
Foreign Germans, the Bund der
Auslandsdeutschen, or BdA.Diamond, The
Nazi Movement in the United
States, 46.
[18]
Robert E. Herzstein, Roosevelt and Hitler
(New York: Paragon House, 1989),139.
[19]
Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States,
58.
[21]Essentially the organization was looking for
statistical “proof” of a potentially powerful German-American community. The
DAI calculated that the 22% of the total American population was of German
stock.Also, five to six million naturalized
or native born Germans used German as a primary language.Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States,
60.
[22]
Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States,
56.
[23]Professional
ethnologists in Germany were
a heterogeneous group who worked out of a host of universities, government agencies
and academic institutions that flourished during the Weimar years. German ethnologists constituted
a wide-ranging group of “scholars” including renowned professors, members of
the Pan-German League, extreme right wing nationalists, pseudo-intellectuals,
and outright racists. Diamond, The Nazi
Movement in the United
States, 46-50.The man most responsible for perpetuating the
connection between Deutschtum and
race during Weimar
years was Otto Lohr. Although Lohr viewed Deutschtum
through the Nazi perception of race, he did not make any broad, sweeping calls
for the unification of the German-American community.He, like most others, believed that most
German-Americans were rapidly severing their roots and conforming to American
culture.He simply lamented the loss of
American Deutschtum. Diamond, The Nazi
Movement in the United
States, 60-63.
[24]
Jackson J Spielvogel, Hitler and Nazi Germany:
A History (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1988), 6.
[25] However, the idea of the Volksgemeinschaft meant different things to different people.Those Germans living outside the Reich could
distinguish three conceptualizations of the idea:supranational, national, and sub-national
notions of Volk, all of which were only partially compatible.The Volksgemeinschaft
could stand for anything ranging from the democratic idea of citizenship to
Nazi ideas of racialism and expansionism. Norbert Gotz, “German-Speaking People
and German Heritage: Nazi Germany
and the Problem of Volksgemeinschaft.”The Heimat Abroad.Eds.,Krista
O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy Reagin (Ann Arbor:
The University of
Michigan Press, 2005),59.
[26]
The Nazi supranational notions of Volk were not necessarily the first of its
kind.Under Kaiser Wilhelm II of the
Second Reich, on July 22,
1913, a law was passed which stated that after January 1, 1914, all German dispersed
throughout the world, as well as their descendents, would be constituted as
German citizens of the Reich.Therefore,
the five million plus Germans who had previously immigrated to the United States
were technically all subjects of the Kaiser.The Nazi Party took this notion of dual citizenship quite seriously as
well.In fact, the very first point of
the Nazi Party twenty five point program drawn up in 1920 called for the “union
of all Germans into a Greater Germany.”Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 19.
[27]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 19-20.
[28] Gotz,
“German-Speaking People and German Heritage,” 60.Moreover, the German Volk is not defined by the borders of the Reich, but a Volk-und Schicksalsgemeinschaft
[community of people and of destiny] spread out over the whole earth, bound
together by blood and race…All German Volkgenossen
[national comrades] belong to the German Volksgemeinschaft
no matter if they live within or…outside the borders of the Reich…members of
the German Volk whose foreign
citizenship in the near future will be cancelled and replaced by citizenship of
the German Reich (e.g. all re-settlers). Gotz, “German-Speaking People and
German Heritage,”.60-61.
[29]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 19-20,
quoted from “When Will Germany Receive a German-Blooded Ambassador from
America?” a document sent from an
anonymous source (the Nazi Party) for distribution within the Steuben Society,
objecting to the appointment of William E. Dodd as ambassador.
[30]
Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 67.
[31] During the earliest years of the Third Reich, the DAI
was the chief agency devoted to exporting Nazi propaganda to the
German-American community in the U.S.However, the Party opted to maintain the illusion that the DAI were a
private agency.They believed that if
the DAI were perceived to be a private institution, National Socialist
propaganda would be better received and accepted by Germans abroad. Heinz
Kloss, a leading figure within the DAI viewed cultural pluralism in America
in a way synonymous with the Nazi racial interpretation of American
history.Kloss wrote Das Volkgruppenrecht in den Vereinigten
Staaten von Amerika, a two volume examination of minority legislation in America wherein he concluded that the United States
had failed to develop a dominant American nationality composed of thoroughly
assimilated ethnic and racial minorities. The desire to perpetuate ethnic and
racial separateness in America
was far greater than the desire to blend with the dominant Anglo-Saxon
culture.As he saw it, a unified
national America
was an illusion.He argued that the United States
was a heterogeneous nation composed of sometime friendly, sometimes
antagonistic racial and ethnic minorities.Thus the new leader of DAI, Karl Strolin, believed that the
supranational appeal of Nazism could be combined with the ethnological
endeavors of the DAI.Strolin hoped to
make Stuttgart the nucleolus around which Germany
would build its policy to attract the overseas German community to Nazism.Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States,53-70.
[33] Bohle declared that all German abroad must “see in
every German out there an ethnic comrade, a person of your blood, your nature
and your being.” The function of the AO was to make “Germandom abroad useful to
the Reich.”Their aim would be achieved
only when “every German abroad is so much imbued with the national Socialist
Weltanschauung that he will never forget his Germandom.”Bohle declared, “We only know the concept of
the complete German who as citizen of his country is always and everywhere a
German and nothing but a German, and this makes him a National Socialist.”Herzstein, Roosevelt and Hitler, 205.
[34]
Gotz, “German-Speaking People and German Heritage,” 60-61.
[35]
Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 77.
[36]
Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 75-76.