B.German-American Fascist Movements to the
German American Bund
The destructive
effects of World War One on American Deutschtum
made the United States
seem distinctly infertile ground for a Nazi movement to bloom amongst the
German-American population.While many
believed that any effort to superimpose a party structure analogous to the Nazi
Party on the German-American community would be a futile endeavor, the Nazis,
nevertheless, maintained a small Party branch in the U.S. for the dual purpose
of creating an outpost of Nazism in America and fostering a positive image of
the New Germany.There was, after all,
an enormous stock of German blood in the United States, much of which had
only recently arrived on American shores.Yet the German-American community was in no way unified in their views
of the Nazi regime.For the most part,
the German-American community rejected the Nazi state and there were numerous German-American
anti-fascist organizations operating within the U.S.
There was,
however, a small minority of Germans in America, who emphatically adhered
to the Nazi ideas of the Volksgemeinshaft,
the racial community.Many were recent
immigrants who came to America
imbued with an intense Nazi sense of nationalism and mission.Having experienced the economic successes of
the Nazis and the resurgence of national pride, many viewed Nazism as a
positive political force that could work wonders for an America still wallowing in the
Depression.Others came from a small
contingent of German-Americans, who in defiance to the Germanophobia and rapid
assimilation of the WWI era, sought to reclaim and assert their Deutschtum.Many held to the notion of the supranational Heimat as espoused by the Nazis and the
DAI in Germany.It was this vocal minority of recent
immigrants and die hard German-Americans who would become the embryo of the
German American Bund. Donning uniforms indicative of the Third Reich, they
became the National Socialist Teutonia Association(Nationalsozialistische
Vereinigung Teutonia or Teutonia Society), the National Socialist German
Workers Party (or Gau USA), the Friends of the New Germany (Bund der Freunde des Neuen Deutschland),
and ultimately, the German American Bund, (Amerikadeutscher
Volksbund).The German American Bund
was born in 1935 from the merger of these three overtly National Socialist
inspired, and quite often, German-directed organizations.These earlier precursors of the Bund were as
much a product of the historical treatment of German-Americans as they were the
product of the extreme social and political change of the 1920s and 1930s.
The earliest German-American
fascist group in the United
States was the National Socialist Teutonia
Association. Founded by Friedrich
(Fritz) Gissibl in Detroit
on October 12, 1924,
Teutonia was one of thirty or so organizations with extreme right-wing leanings
founded by émigrés between 1922 and 1933.[1]The Teutonia Association was the first full-fledged
National Socialist organization on American soil which attempted to actively
proselytize Nazism to the German immigrant community.[2]It was the most important pro-Nazi
organization in America
during the pre-Hitler years, even if its membership was relatively small and
insignificant.
Fritz Gissibl,
founder of Teutonia, officially joined the Nazi party in Germany in 1926.He, like many others, saw nothing
inconsistent in an American belonging to a German political party.He explained that Teutonia’s purpose was “…to
speak to young German immigrants, to get them into our society; immigrants who
belonged to the German nationalistic group in Germany
before they came to the United
States...We demand from our members the
National Socialist way of thinking.”[3]
However, while Teutonia’s mission was to transplant the “National Socialist
idea” to America, they did
not seek an audience with all of America, nor even with all
German-America.Their endeavors were
directed solely at newly arrived German national elements living in the United States.[4]Initially, Teutonia’s leaders did not
envision a future for Nazism in the United States. Nazism was to be merely a temporary home for
new arrivals from Germany,
or a refuge from the detested WeimarRepublic.Its members hoped to return home to Germany
upon Hitler’s consolidation of power.
The Teutonia
Association had very modest beginnings.While they claimed chapters in five major cities (Chicago,
Detroit, Cincinnati,
Milwaukee and Los Angeles) totaling 400 members, when they
held their first convention in 1927, only fifteen people attended.[5]In 1926 they renamed themselves the National
Socialist Society and the following year after their convention, they renamed
themselves the Friends of the Hitler Movement.Speaking as Bundsfuehrer (leader
of the organization) in 1929, Walter Kappe expressed Teutonia’s National
Socialist Volkisch ideas and notions
of Deutschtum: “To give America our
souls, as so many of our countrymen have done, nobody can force that; to become
German-American mongrels who do not know where they belong, nobody can ask of
us.We are and remain Germans. Germans
in America.”[6]The Teutonia Association clearly had no
significant American character or American nationalist aspirations.Its official aim echoed the Nazi
interpretation of Deutschtum; that
the primary obligation of Germans abroad was to the homeland. To its members, America was simply another outpost
of the German Volksgemeinshaft. America
had been a hostile land for Germans and it was time for German-Americans to
assert their Deutschtum for the
greater glory of the worldwide German racial community.As Gissibl declared, “Our League has adopted
the task of liberating German racial comrades from class hatred and pride, of
welding them together into a true German racial community, for as such will
Germandom in America
be preserved.”[7]
It
was between 1930 and 1932 when Americans at last began to take notice of
American Nazis.Because Teutonia’s
obvious foreign loyalties were creating considerable disquiet among Americans,
the Nazis decided to make a strategic break with the group.In 1932, on the brink of obtaining power in Germany,
the Nazis decided to sever any complicated foreign entanglements which might
jeopardize their acquisition of power.They decreed that only German citizens could become members of the Nazi
Party.American nationals could no
longer obtain membership in the German political party.All German citizens in Teutonia were expected
to leave that organization and become exclusively Nazi Party members.In 1932, Karl Ludecke, a Nazi from Germany sent to investigate the state of
National Socialism in America,
composed a report to Alfred Rosenberg, the chief of the Bureau of Foreign
Policy in Germany.He reported that Nazism in America was a mess with “eighty to
one hundred paying members all of whom want to be Fuehrer.”[8]He advised dissolution of the Teutonia
Association which was executed by Deputy Fuehrer Rudolf Hess.Dr. H. Neidland, director of the Auslanderorganization in Germany, placed all unofficial New York Nazi
cells under the control of the Foreign Section of NSDAP and designated them the
Nationalsozialistiche Deutsche
Arbeiterpartei, Ostgruppe New York.Members were henceforth referred to as Gauleitung-USA
or simply, Gau-USA. Gau-USA was the official Berlin-directed
outpost of National Socialism in the United
States and New
York became the center of American Nazi activity.
The year 1932 was
of pivotal importance because the German government now began to consider Gau-USA as a permanent group.Many began to stop considering America
as a temporary home for Nazism.In January
1932, Teutonia dissolved itself with part of its members going into the Nazi
party, or Gau-USA, and others
(primarily American-Germans who could not join the Nazi party because they were
American citizens) reforming themselves into the Friends of the Hitler
Movement.The Friends of the Hitler
Movement quickly renamed themselves into the more innocuous sounding Bund der Freunde des Neuen Deutschland,
the Friends of the New Germany.The
Friends are often referred to as the “first Bund.”
The disbanding of
Teutonia and the creation of the Friends led to a power scramble among American
Nazis, particularly between the Detroit-Chicago groups under Gissibl and the New York chapter under
the charismatic Heinz Spanknöbel.Spanknöbel sought to consolidate all the Nazi affiliated groups in the United States
under his own leadership.To gain Berlin’s favor, he went to Germany in 1932 and campaigned for
Hitler, speaking at sixty different campaign operations.As a result, Deputy Fuehrer Rudolf Hess gave
the authorization for Spanknöbel to take over all Nazi movements in America.Thus the German government gave formal
approval for operations of American Nazi groups and even gave them direct
orders.On September 30, 1932, Dr. H. Nieland issued the
“Foundation Decree of the National Group U.S.A.”
which decreed that Spanknöbel was the National Authorized Representative in the
U.S. and that he employed
the Fuehrerprincip and needed to
answer only to the Auslanderorganization
in Berlin.[9]
The recruits to
these early National Socialist groups were “mainly recent immigrants, ill
educated, lower class people susceptible to the message of triumph and revenge
coming from Berlin.”[10]Germans who left the homeland for America in the early 1930s left a “phoenix
rising,” a Germany
“rising from the ashes of war and depression.”[11]
The Nazi government’s enormous success in reviving the German economy bolstered
German confidence and revived German pride which was so humiliated by the war
and the failure of the Weimar
government.Consequently, many Germans
took this new pride to the United States
where, in some contrast to Germany,
the Depression still lingered.Some even
began to speculate, “If Hitler’s methods could transform Germany, what could they do in the United States?”[12]
In 1932, the
combined membership of Friends and the Nazi Gau
in America
was a paltry 400 or less.[13]However, membership boomed with Hitler’s
acquisition of power.According to an
article entitled Hitlerism Invades
America appearing in the March 1934 periodical Today: A Personal Journal of Public Affairs, the highest estimates
for membership in the Friends or Nazi party in America was 6,000 with sympathizers
totaling many times that number.[14]The newly formed Friends, like Teutonia,
were comprised largely of the same immigrants from Germany who clung to National
Socialist racial notions of Deutschtum.Membership was available to “anyone of German
descent free of Jewish or Negro blood.”[15]All members all had to take an oath declaring
their knowledge of the goals of the organization, their resolve to support such
goals and their acknowledgement of the group’s leadership principle.The program of the Friends of the New Germany
differed little, if any, from that of Teutonia.It still remained largely as an outpost of Nazism in America, comprised of recent German
immigrants who adhered to the Nazi concept of racial community and Deutschtum.
It was not long
before the Friends’ openly pro-Nazi sentiments aroused the suspicions of the
American public and the government, for along with communism, the far right
created a “fascist hysteria” in America
during the 1930s.Roosevelt described
Communism and fascism as “equally abhorrent” but considered the real issue in
the United States
to be the struggle between fascism and the democratic principles of the
Founding Fathers.[16]The first wave of fascist fear occurred
between 1932 and 1934 during the direst years of the Great Depression when the
McCormack-Dickstein Congressional Committee of 1934-35 began to investigate
Un-American Activities including the “shirt movements” and the Friends of the
New Germany.[17]The McCormack-Dickstein Committee was headed
by Congressman John McCormack of Massachusetts
and co-chaired by Congressman Samuel Dickstein.[18]Even before the HUAC investigation, many
Americans viewed the Friends as nothing more than a Nazi “Fifth Column”
operating in the United
States.Congressman Dickstein became the leading adversary of the Friends and,
later the German American Bund.His
disdain for American Nazis was undisguised and he was in no doubt on a personal
crusade to destroy Nazism in America.Many began to question his motives and tactics
and some in Congress went as far as to charge that the McCormack-Dickstein
Committee violated witnesses’ constitutional rights.[19]
The committee’s
findings, which were made public in February 1935, greatly added to the
burgeoning fascist hysteria in America.
In fact, between 1935 and 1941, America
was inundated with a deluge of books and periodicals dedicated to exposing the
imminent danger posed by American fascists[20]Books like It
Can’t Happen Here, Under Cover,Forerunners of Fascism, Fifth Column in America, and Organized Anti-Semitism in America, all
fed into the “Brown Scare,” the fear and the perception that a fascist
revolution or a subversive “Fifth Column” was a realistic threat to America.[21]Many Americans at the time, including a host
of influential media figures, genuinely believed and feared that the
establishment of a fascist regime in America was a realistic
possibility. One of them was Raymond Swing, a newspaper correspondent with
significant experience in Europe.In 1935, Swing assessed the prospects of
fascism in America.
He suggested four conditions needed for
a successful fascist revolution in America: the impoverishment of the
middle class, economic stagnation, paralysis of democratic government and the
threat of a strong Communist government. Swingconcluded thatthe first two conditions were
already present, and America
was well on its way to meeting the other two conditions.[22]Thus, if conditions in America
did not dramatically change, the nation faced the realistic potential for a fascist
takeover.
Newspaper magnate,
William Randolph Hearst, was another prominent America
figure who seriously considered the reality of a fascist revolution in America.His demagoguery was, however, fueled by his
contempt for communism.Hearst was
impressed by Hitler’s claim to have saved Germany from communism.After he visited Germany
in September 1934, Hearst said of Hitler, “this is the great policy, the great
achievement, which makes the Hitler regime popular with the German people, and
which enables it to survive…”[23]In 1934 Hearst embarked on a journalistic
crusade to rouse America
to the dangers of communism.[24]His influence spread rapidly, especially to
the members of the lower middle class whose naïve understanding of communism
was that a communist was anyone who was a dissenter or a foreigner.[25]
From his
investigation, Dickstein produced a wealth of evidence which demonstrated the
subversive nature of the Friends and other similar Nazi organizations in America.All his evidence indicated that the Nazi
government in Germany
was providing financial aid and ideological support to the Friends of the New
Germany and other similar organizations.In response, the Nazi government in Berlin
responded to the committee’s allegations by disclaiming any knowledge of the
activities of its citizens in the U.S.Moreover, to prevent any further diplomatic
crisis, Deputy Fuehrer Rudolf Hess issued a decree in 1935 forbidding its
nationals (including those who had taken out citizenship papers) from becoming
members of the Friends of the New Germany or any like organizations.Berlin hoped
that this decision would precipitate the speedy collapse of the movement and
avert any unwanted diplomatic tension with the United States.
Germany’s decision to cut ties with the Friends
began shortly after Berlin’s
recall of Heinz Spanknöbel in September 1933.[26]On February 16, 1934, AO chief, Ernst-Wilhelm Bohle, ordered
all Party members out of the Friends, but it was not an order that anyone
expected to take seriously.[27]It was not until the McCormack-Dickstein
investigations that the government in Berlin
decided all German nationals must definitely desist from belonging to any
American political organization.The
decree was a devastating blow to Nazi-inspired organizations in America.Many in the Friends felt that the Party had
betrayed them.Consequently, membership
in the organization declined precipitously.Many Bundists in America
concluded that if they did not have the overt support from Berlin, they needed to disengage the group
from Nazi German control and change its policies.
The Friends of the
New Germany disbanded and were reborn as the Amerikadeutscher Volksbund, the German American Bund.No longer would the movement be principally
concerned with the affairs of Germany.Nor would the movement be comprised solely of
German nationals or recent immigrants from Germany.From this point on, it would be comprised not
of Germans, but of German-Americans who would utilize the American political
system to further both their German and American interests. No longer merely an
outpost for Nazism, the German American Bund would become an American political
movement with an emphasis on American politics and national interests. While the
movement would maintain many of its original aims, historical pressures would
dictate that the Bund compromise its original goals and rhetoric and
incrementally “Americanize” to maintain its survival.In fact, “Americanization” became the
watchword for the new movement.Freeing
itself from its constrictive German Nazi mold, under the leadership of
naturalized American Fritz Kuhn, the German American Bund would transform
itself into a legitimate and legal American political organization with an
unmistakably American agenda.
[1]
Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 91-92.
[2]
Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 91-92.
[3]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 22, quoted
from the testimony of Testimony of Fritz Gissibl, United States Congress House
Special Committee on Un-American Activities, “Investigation of Nazi Propaganda
Activities and Investigation of Certain
Other Propaganda Activities; The McCormack-Dickstein Hearings (Washington,
D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1934), Hearing # 73, June 5, 6,
and 7, 1934, pp. 71-72.Hereafter
referred to as MacCormack-Dickstien Hearings.
[4]
Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 95-96.
[5]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 25.
[6]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 22, quoted
from McCormack-Dickstein Hearings, Washington, June 5, 6, and 7, 1934, 27.
[7]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 22., quoted
from Testimony of Peter Gissibl, United States Congress House Special Committee
on Un-American Activities, United
States v. McWilliams, et. al, United States
District Court, Washington
#73086, 1944, 2346.
[8]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 35, quoted
from Testimony of Kurt G. Ludecke, McCormack-Dickstein Hearings, New York, July 9-12, 1934, 99.
[9]Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for
American Fascism,” 66-67.Spanknöbel
returned to the U.S. and
embarked on a successful endeavor to consolidate all of America’s varied Nazi movements,
through persuasion or coercion, into the Friends of the New Germany under his
leadership.For a full treatment of this
subject see Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States 1924-1941 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974).
[10]Herzstein, Roosevelt
and Hitler, 142.The Bund movement
originated among Germans who immigrated to the United States after WWI.It remained confined almost entirely to this
element.
[13]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 35.
[14]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,” 34.
[15]
Sokoll, “The German-American Bund as a Model for American Fascism,”33, quoted
from Testimony of Walter Reinhold, McCormack-Dickstein Hearings, Washington,
June 5-7, 1934, 223.
[16] Herzstein, Roosevelt
and Hitler: Prelude to War. Some historians like Robert E. Herzstein have
argued that the Nazi and anti-Semitic agitation of the 1930’s was deliberately
publicized by the Roosevelt administration to
enflame fascist fears and hysteria in order to further the administration’s
foreign policy goals.The Roosevelt administration certainly had much to gain from
portraying American fascism as a genuine American threat.He provides a detailed treatment of right
wing extremist groups, (particularly the German American Bund and the Silver
Shirts), suggesting that they could have been become serious threats if FDR had
not immobilized them.His thesis asserts
that FDR was never isolationist or appeasing, and that the Roosevelt
administration was in fact, determined to destroy the Nazi regime in Germany.
[17]
In 1934, Congressman Samuel Dickstein introduced a resolution in Congress which
called for an investigation of Germany’s
Nazi activities in the United
States.Approved in March 1934, a House committee was formed to investigate Nazi
influence and activities in America.
[18].Dickstein was not given chairmanship
because as a Jew, many felt that his efforts to investigate Nazi activities
would be construed as biased and therefore discredited.Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States,
157
[20]It was after 1935 when the threat of fascism in America
became most acute, when new forces were released into the American public which
drew strength from the nonpolitical xenophobic lower classes.These new activists had little experience in
party politics and little understanding of democracy.
[21]In retrospect many of the charges against the far
right seem ludicrously exaggerated.The
reality was that the extreme right in America were incompatible
allies.The varied right-wing extremist
movements were never in any way ideologically homogeneous.They were poles apart at the extremes of
society.There was no charismatic leader
able to unite the disparate factions or to pose any serious threat to American
democracy.The German American Bund was
no exception.For all the attention they
received, they never really held any significant influence over American
politics.In fact, they never even held
any significant influence over the German-American community within the United States.John Higham,
“Anti-Semitism in the Gilded Age: A Reinterpretation.” The MississippiValley Historical Review 43
(March 1957) 578.
[22]As for the
third condition, the economy was perhaps not paralyzed, but it certainly was in
an acute crisis.Concerning the
Communist threat, Swing asserted that there was a concerted and deliberate
effort to persuade America
that the threat of Communism was imminent. He predicted the fascist movement
would be radically nationalist in its first stage; then it would combine with
big business in a coalition.He warned
that “fascism always comes through a vast pretense of socialism backed by Wall
Street money.”Afterwards, democracy was
doomed.Swift presumed Huey Long could
be the leader but Long’s assassination in 1935 rendered his prediction
moot.Schlesinger, The Politics of Upheaval,
89.
[23]In November, 1934 Hearst observed that there was
no fascist movement in the United States,
“AS YET-fascism will only come into existence in the United States when such a movement
becomes necessary for the prevention of communism.” Hearst’s enemies charged
that his communist demagoguery was in fact helping to facilitate the demand for
fascism.Schlesinger, The Politics of Upheaval, 84.
[24] The
Hearst press, in fact, broke the story of the Ukrainian famine of 1932-33.Schlesinger, The Politics of Upheaval,
84.
[25]
Many charged that Hearst promoted this confusion.His paper attacked all kinds of
liberals.In response to calls for
academic freedom, Hearst replied, “academic freedom is a phrase taken over by
the radical groups as a new camouflage for the teaching of alien doctrines.”
Quoted in Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States, 86. To exacerbate Communist fears, in
1934, Elizabeth Dilling wrote The Red
Network:A Who’s Who and Handbook of
Radicalism for Patriots which listed 500 organizations and 1,300
individuals presumably part of a communist conspiracy.Schlesinger, The Politics of Upheaval,
86.
[26] Spanknöbel was not a subtle man and he was not
particularly discreet in the fact that he had been funneling into the United States
large amounts of Nazi propaganda which had emanated from officials working for
Joseph Goebbels’ Propaganda Ministry.Spanknöbel’s activities began to remind American officials of German
espionage activities during the Great War.Already in 1933, federal agents in the United States were poised to arrest
Spanknöbel for subversive activities.However, on October
27, 1933, German agents of the Propaganda Ministry kidnapped him at
gunpoint and forced him to board a German liner.The Nazi agents knew that Spanknöbel knew too
much and could implicate other Nazis for subversive activities in the U.S.
[27]Sander A.Diamond called the
order “nothing more than window dressing.” Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the
United States,
160.